Seen in this light, the Second Greater Beirut Water Supply Project may not be a standalone fix at all — but a smokescreen for the Bisri Dam’s quiet resurrection. The tunnels, the treatment plant, the familiar promises about future supply — all of it sets the stage for a larger water transfer system that can’t function without major new sources: expensive new dams.
Although the World Bank insists that the SGBWSP is independent of the Bisri Dam, the long-term viability of the project tells a different story. The SGBWSP’s goal of delivering a reliable, round-the-clock water supply to 1.8 million residents of Greater Beirut appears unattainable without an additional water source – and that source, once again, is likely Bisri. In fact, the Bisri Dam constitutes the first of its ‘Priority 1 – Batch 1’ dams, which alongside four other much smaller dams, it wants to secure $595 million in financing.
The Bisri Dam has long been one of Lebanon’s most controversial infrastructure projects. Criticized by environmentalists, hydrogeologists, and civil society groups, the project was halted in 2020 after years of protests and expert warnings about seismic risk, ecological loss, and financial waste. Yet despite its cancellation, the updated national water strategy under former Energy Minister Walid Fayad includes no reference to past opposition, failed assessments, or the considerable scientific evidence against the dam’s feasibility.
Dr. Samir Zaatiti, a hydrogeologist, told BADIL that Lebanon’s landscape is fundamentally incompatible with large dams: “Lebanon contains sinkholes and large voids. We must learn from nature rather than work against it.”
He referred to a French geological study that described the Bisri Valley as suffering from effondrement (subsurface collapse). Drilling revealed cavities and caves that expand over time due to water flow and melting snow, weakening the ground and causing repeated collapses. Gravel and sediment deposits from the Al-Awali River only add weight and instability to an already fragile terrain.
Activist Amani Beainy echoed this concern: Hassan Hajjar, of the Local Committee for the Protection of Bisri Valley, said the dam project is “doomed to fail.”
“The project would require removing 27 million cubic meters of rock at an initial cost of $1 billion,” he said. “With long-term costs, it could reach $5–6 billion and wouldn’t be completed for 20–25 years.” “Following the Turkey earthquake, it seems absurd to revisit discussions about the Bisri Dam… tampering with nature after everything we’ve witnessed is sheer madness.”
Hajjar also emphasized the broader risks: “It would turn six million square meters of fertile valley into a swamp,” he said, noting that it would destroy the Chouf Cedar Reserve and 52 archaeological sites, including the Roman Temple and Saint Moussa Church. Together, Zaatiti, Beainy, and Hajjar agree: the dam is technically, geologically, and financially unfeasible.
A Damming Ambiguity
Despite the Bisri Dam project having been officially canceled, Decree 2066 of 2015, which designated it a project of public utility, was never annulled. The project’s prioritization in the new national water strategy now appears to foreshadow its resuscitation.
In interviews with BADIL, however, officials gave conflicting signals. The Ministry of Energy and Water stated that “the [SGBWSP] project has no relation to the Bisri Dam,” while confirming that a comprehensive study of stalled and completed dam projects is underway at the request of Minister Joe Saddi.
Meanwhile, Environment Minister Tamara el-Zein has not taken a firm stance, acknowledging that dam projects are “globally proposed solutions,” but questioning their relevance in Lebanon:
“There are three dimensions that must be considered when evaluating any dam project: site suitability, cost, and the availability of alternative solutions,” she said. “Costs in Lebanon might be higher than elsewhere for known reasons, but there are also indirect costs that must be taken into account. Could effective alternatives have been used instead?”
A spokesperson for the World Bank maintained that the SGBWSP is “technically and economically viable” without Bisri and denies knowledge of any current discussions about restarting the project. She added that the SGBWSP focuses on reducing NRW lost through physical leakage or unbilled usage, rather than on increasing supply through dam construction.
But even with these disclaimers, voices from within the government suggest a more dependent relationship. Randa Daher of the BMLWE underscored that the SGBWSP cannot fully meet Beirut’s growing water demands alone. She described the Bisri Dam as a “complementary project”, noting that while the two are technically separate, the dam would be essential to securing a continuous, reliable supply in the long term. She added that its implementation would necessitate a new treatment facility beyond Wardanieh. Indeed, World Bank documents from the first GBWSP clearly show that the bank anticipated that it would receive anywhere from 60 – 100 million cubic meters from the Bisri Dam “depending on the year.”
In this light, the Bisri Dam remains a dormant but not dead project, reintroduced on the edges of the public policy discussion but outside the spotlight of public scrutiny or transparent analysis. As Lebanon once again stakes its water future on projects with a history of failure, one must question whether our policymakers are captured by the madness of repeating the same decisions and expecting a different outcome.
Alternative Streams to Policy Myopia
A growing number of environmental experts and sector professionals argue that Lebanon’s water challenges cannot be solved through supply expansion alone. Instead, they advocate for a shift toward integrated, efficient, and sustainable resource management – one that maximizes existing potential before investing in new megaprojects.
For instance, Hussam Hawwa, founder of the environmental consultancy Difaf, estimates Lebanon’s NRW could be as high as 60 percent, but that this could be dramatically reduced through improved metering, leak repair, and addressing illegal connections. This would then recover substantial volumes of water already within the system. This perspective is echoed by Environment Minister Tamara el-Zein, who told BADIL that Lebanon’s aging and fragmented water networks should be a priority before pursuing large-scale water collection projects.
For Abdul Samad, the water and sanitation specialist, the solution lies in rethinking the broader water management paradigm. While she says the Bisri Dam may appear technically sound on paper, she argues that sector strategies often take a linear, engineering-first approach that overlooks climate resilience, social development, and long-term sustainability.
She calls for adopting Integrated Water Resource Management (IWRM) — a cross-sectoral planning model that balances agricultural, industrial, and environmental needs to optimize both economic and social outcomes. Without addressing systemic inefficiencies, she warns, adding new water sources may not translate to real gains for end users.
According to a World Bank spokesperson, the SGBWSP is part of the Lebanese government’s broader water strategy, which includes “initiatives to improve water availability and quality, the development of new sources, and the implementation of conservation measures.” A representative from the Ministry of Energy and Water affirmed that alternatives to current water infrastructure were discussed internally and reviewed by the CDR, with the most effective solutions ultimately pursued.
Still, many experts interviewed for this investigation believe that more can be done with existing resources. This includes improving the management of spring water, such as from the Jeita and Kashkoush springs, and enhancing governance practices to reduce waste and improve utilization.
Hawwa proposes a decentralized approach, suggesting small-scale infrastructure like check dams, hill lakes, and retention ponds to support agriculture and boost local water security.
Multiple interviewees referenced a proposal from the German Federal Institute for Geosciences and Natural Resources, which recommended developing public wells around Beirut. The plan suggested that Jeita Spring, if optimized, could supply the capital with enough water to meet the city’s current needs for between $30–50 million in infrastructure costs. As Hajjar noted, the Jeita Spring currently discharges around 185 million cubic meters annually, yet only 35 million reach Beirut. This leaves a theoretical surplus of 150 million cubic meters — more than double the capacity of the canceled Bisri Dam.
Hydrogeologist Samir Zaatiti supports this approach. He claims to have previously submitted a proposal to the Ministry of Energy and Water based on studies of groundwater near the capital. According to Zaatiti, regions like Wadi Shahrour–Kfarshima and Jisr Al-Qadi–Damour, underlain by Jurassic-era karstic rock, could yield fresh water through wells drilled at moderate depths. His estimates are based on successful groundwater extraction in Wadi Jilo and Wadi Fakhr al-Din, which currently supply 80 villages in southern Lebanon.
“Lebanon’s mountains act like sponges,” he notes, “absorbing and storing water in natural reservoirs. Large dams are not the only option — we should be investing in smart groundwater use.”
He estimates that 1.5 billion cubic meters of groundwater could be sustainably extracted each year, suggesting that this route may be more economically and environmentally viable than the construction of large-scale dams.
Although experts like Zaatiti and Hassan Hajjar raise concerns about external funding priorities, Minister el-Zein stresses the role of Lebanese institutions in directing those investments effectively.
“Funding agencies spend according to their priorities,” she said, “but the greater responsibility falls on us as officials to direct this funding more efficiently and ensure projects continue operating after funding ends.” She acknowledges that the cost of infrastructure in Lebanon is higher than in many other countries and that indirect costs — like environmental and operational burdens — must be factored into future decisions. “The major problem is that much of the funding has been spent without sufficient consideration for operation and maintenance.”
Looking Ahead: Borrowed Money in a Leaky Bucket
The World Bank’s new plan to revive and expand the Greater Beirut water network is built on a familiar foundation: borrowed money and overly optimistic technical projections. The Second Greater Beirut Water Supply Project arrives with a $257.8 million price tag and a mandate to deliver clean water to almost two million residents. But the core risks that undermined the first phase — leaky infrastructure, toxic water sources, inadequate oversight, and unfulfilled reforms — remain largely unresolved. With Lake Qaraoun still dangerously polluted and the Wardanieh treatment plant not fully operational, the SGBWSP risks repeating the mistakes of its predecessor, now with even more public money on the line and even less public confidence.
Over the past 15 years, hundreds of millions of dollars in concessional loans have flowed into Lebanon’s water sector with precious little to show for it. The World Bank is now presenting the new project as a lifeline. However, its exclusive focus on completing unfinished infrastructure, rather than addressing water quality issues at the source, reforming distribution, or alternative supply options, reflects a narrow reading of what went wrong, and a risky bet on what might still go right.
None of this is to say that Beirut doesn’t need more water. It does — urgently. A viable solution must secure both, and must do so within a governance framework and revenue model capable of maintaining the system over time. Credible alternatives already on the table: rehabilitating the Jeita Spring transmission channel, expanding public wells under tighter oversight, investing in decentralized filtration, and aggressively reducing non-revenue water losses in the network through repairing existing infrastructure. These paths may not be as grand or splashy as a large capital project, but they are arguably more aligned with Lebanon’s current needs and institutional capacity.
The story of Lebanon’s water crisis is not one of scarcity, but of mismanagement. The question now is whether decision-makers can learn from the past before repeating it — whether borrowed solutions can finally be channeled into lasting reforms. Otherwise, the cycle will continue: more plans, more loans, and still no water. Thirsty Lebanese can little afford another pipeline full of promises that ends up down the drain.
Editor’s Note:
BADIL would like to thank the many journalists, researchers, supporters, and activists who have helped compile this investigation. Special thanks go to: Alexandros Chatzipanagiotou, Manal Moukaddem, Michael Huijer, Lyne Mneimneh, Sami Halabi, Spencer Osberg, and the many others who made this investigation possible.
Response from the Council for Development and Reconstruction
More than two months after the publication of our investigation into the Second Greater Beirut Water Supply Project, the Council for Development and Reconstruction (CDR) submitted a formal written response to BADIL. The delayed timing of this communication followed several unanswered outreach attempts on our part—via email, telephone, and official letter—to offer CDR an opportunity to provide comment prior to publication.
Nonetheless, in line with our commitment to transparency, we are publishing CDR’s response in full. The document is available for download as a PDF below.
Download the CDR response here (PDF)
This investigation was compiled with the support of the Samir Kassir Foundation.