The Lebanese Parliament’s overwhelming vote of confidence in the new Council of Ministers this week added a legislative seal to a growing groundswell of hope for the country’s future. This began in January with the ascent of President Joseph Aoun, who in his inaugural speech pledged to bring all weapons under state control, reform the judiciary and root out corruption. Optimism rose again when the unlikely figure of Nawaf Salam ascended to the premiership, likewise pledging comprehensive state reforms to restore citizens’ trust. When Salam announced the Council of Ministers on February 8, with cabinet seats filled (mostly) with genuine technocrats, fundamental change suddenly seemed within reach.
Yet, this initial momentum belies the steep road ahead for Aoun and Salam’s agenda. If Lebanon’s woes were merely technical, they would have been solved long ago. The country is not short of knowledge and expertise, and over the decades numerous reform efforts have been attempted. Where they all have died is in the crossfire of sectarian power struggles and the state’s capture by an entrenched ruling class.
This is where the new government is weak. Indeed, the very thing Aoun and Salam embody that inspires the nation’s hope threatens to render them ineffective at implementing policy—neither is enmeshed in or beholden to Lebanon’s traditional power centers. Prior to taking office, Aoun was the firm hand and no-nonsense commander of the Lebanese Armed Forces. Salam, who left his position as president of the International Court of Justice to return to Lebanon, could hardly have a CV more sparkling with integrity. What brought them to power, however, was not their upstanding reputations, but rather heavy lifting from abroad. Washington, Paris and Riyadh, seeking to capitalize on Hezbollah’s weakened position following the war with Israel, strongarmed Lebanon’s fractious political elite into line to ensure Aoun and Salam received parliamentary approval.
