Reform or Repetition: Lebanon’s Defining Test on Syrian Refugees

The new government’s approach to the refugee crisis will define its moral legacy and credibility as a force for reform

“Syria is safe. Refugees, go home.”  

An ever-growing chorus of countries has been singing this tune since 2019, when Denmark was the first to declare Damascus was no longer dangerous and that Syrian refugees from the capital could return there safely. Human rights experts and NGOs disagreed, pointing out that the Assad regime’s capacity for repression and violence remained intact, and even the European Court of Justice held that EU law prohibited determining only part of a territory as safe for return. Yet this notion of Syria’s “safety” became a convenient fiction that spread to other European states and Middle Eastern governments alike to justify their efforts to expel refugees. To this end, many were increasingly open to normalizing relations with the Syrian regime. 

Following the unexpected fall of President Bashar al-Assad in December 2024, Western governments again shifted their stance, this time declaring Syria safe because it was free of his rule. As sanctions against Syria have begun to ease recently, so too have the inhibitions around pushing for mass returns. Yet this perspective ignores Syria’s volatile and unstable conditions that have emerged post-Assad: massacres in the Sahel region targeting Alawites, sectarian violence in Druze communities, a suicide bombing in a church on the outskirts of Damascus, and ongoing Israeli bombardments. These conditions cast substantial doubt on the prospect of whether it is possible for Syrians to have a safe, voluntary, and dignified return – components which the UNHCR considers to be minimum requirements for any refugee return program.

Past governments, plagued by corruption and dysfunction, capitalized on the West’s regressing respect for refugee protections, using threats of unleashing waves of refugees upon Europe as leverage for foreign aid.

Lebanon, home to one of the highest per capita refugee populations in the world, has long walked a precarious line. Past governments, plagued by corruption and dysfunction, capitalized on the West’s regressing respect for refugee protections, using threats of unleashing waves of refugees upon Europe as leverage for foreign aid. Domestically, Lebanese politicians cast Syrian refugees as scapegoats for everything from economic collapse to crime. These self-serving tactics of political expediency not only harmed refugees but deepened Lebanon’s social fragmentation and further demonstrated the state’s disregard for the rule of law. 

In this climate, Syrian refugees have lived in precarity, subjected to waves of forced deportations, targeted by discriminatory policies, and left vulnerable to extortion and abuse. Their rights under international law — including the principle of non-refoulement, which forbids the return of individuals to countries where they face persecution — have often gone unheeded.

This plan aims to support 200,000–300,000 Syrians in returning to their country before the start of the next school year, offering logistical assistance and financial support...

The formation of a new Lebanese government in early 2025, after years of political stalemate, has stirred cautious optimism. With leadership from outside the traditional ruling class, including President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, the promise of a governance reset has begun to take shape. This has included their administration taking steps that suggest a more thoughtful, rights-respecting approach to the refugee issue, most notably, through the announcement last week of a voluntary return plan that appears to include UNHCR. Notably, previous Lebanese governments had excluded UN agencies from their refugee planning. 

This plan aims to support 200,000–300,000 Syrians in returning to their country before the start of the next school year, offering logistical assistance and financial support, and removing re-entry bans for those who had previously entered illegally, or whose residency permits had expired. Significantly, Deputy Prime Minister Tarek Mitri has insisted that “mass forced deportation is out of the question”. 

These gestures are meaningful, particularly in contrast to previous governments’ abhorrent actions that flouted international norms. But whether they represent a true paradigm shift remains uncertain. The new government’s refugee policy document also states: “In light of the observed changes in Syria and the absence of political and security reasons that previously hindered this return, this process is now possible and necessary.” This language, reminiscent of past justifications, raises legitimate concern that, despite changes in tone and form, the substance of the new government’s refugee policy may remain the same.

If the new government is serious about ethical reforms and collective progress, that will be evidenced by how they handle the treatment and protection of society’s most vulnerable.

Yet this moment still holds transformative potential. Lebanon can choose to reject the coercion and scapegoating that characterized its previous policy and instead honor its commitments to international law. Indeed, Lebanon was once a leader in the arena of refugee rights, participating in the creation of UNHCR and contributing to the development of the Refugee Convention. It can choose to lead by example, upholding protections that other countries have abandoned, and affirming that even in times of national crisis, dignity and human rights are non-negotiable. 

This is not only a test of Lebanon’s moral compass, but a proving ground for the new government’s reformist ambitions.  If the new government is serious about ethical reforms and collective progress, that will be evidenced by how they handle the treatment and protection of society’s most vulnerable. What happens in Lebanon will echo far beyond its borders: either as a model for principled refugee policy, or another warning of how easy it is to dress up old practices in new rhetoric. 

 

Nadine Kheshen is a lawyer specializing in international humanitarian law and human rights. 

 

 

Related